@article{Oyinloye_2022, title={Gerundive Reduplication in Yorùbá Revisited: Insights from Auto-segmental Phonology}, volume={25}, url={https://jolan.com.ng/index.php/home/article/view/342}, abstractNote={<p><span class="fontstyle0">Previous studies have argued that the derivation of Yorùbá gerunds, such as </span><span class="fontstyle2">kíkú </span><span class="fontstyle0">‘dying’ (from </span><span class="fontstyle2">kú </span><span class="fontstyle0">‘die’) and </span><span class="fontstyle2">dídára </span><span class="fontstyle0">‘goodness’ (from </span><span class="fontstyle2">dára </span><span class="fontstyle0">‘be good’), is morphologically induced, specifically by partial reduplication and, by extension, an instantiation of prefixation. Other<br>studies claim that the reduplication process is phonologically driven on the ground that the copying of the initial consonant of the verb base interacts with the epenthetic vowel [í] in the final derivation. The present study, however, argues that the derivation of gerundial<br>nouns (including deverbal adjectives) in Yorùbá is neither a product of reduplication nor an instantiation of prefixation; and the derivation can be straightforwardly accounted for strictly within the domain of phonology without appealing to the morphology-phonology interface. Deploying the principles of Auto-segmental Phonology, this article posits that the formation of such nouns is a purely phonological affair, which is characterized by two phonological processes that must apply in a transitive order: consonantal feature spreading and vocalic insertion. In particular, the initial consonant of a verb base/stem spreads its entire features to a leftward abstract Consonant-Slot which underlyingly lacks phonetic interpretation but whose featural content is visible at the surface representation; the default vowel [í] is then inserted to complete the derivation. </span></p>}, journal={Journal of The Linguistic Association of Nigeria}, author={Oyinloye, Mayowa}, year={2022}, month={Dec.}, pages={4–20} }